Private debates in the House of Commons in the year , Lond., .

Private debates in the House of Commons (Begun Monday, May 21, ,) In relation to a war with France, etc.

The parliament met according to their late adjournment from April 16th to the 21st May, . There was no speech to the parliament, but in the House of Commons.

This meeting was opened with a verbal message, delivered by Mr. Secretary Coventry; wherein his Majesty acquainted the House that having according to their desire in their answer to his last message, April the 16th, directed their adjournment to this time because they did acknowledge it as unparliamentary to grant supplies when the House was so thin, in expectation of a speedy adjournment. And having so issued out his proclamation of summons, to the end that there might be a full House, he did now expect they would forthwith enter upon the consideration of his last message. And because he

Upon this it was moved, That the king's last messsage of the 16th of April, and the answer thereunto, should be read; and they were read accordingly.

Thereupon, after a long silence, a discourse began about their expectation and the necessity of alliances; and particularly it was intimated that an alliance with Holland was most expedient. For that we should deceive ourselves if we thought we could be otherwise defended. For we alone could not withstand the French, his purse and power is too great; nor could the Dutch withstand him alone, but both together might.

The general discourse was, That they came with an expectation to have alliances declared; and if they were not made so as to be imparted, they were not called or come to that purpose they were desired and hoped to meet; and if few days might ripen them, they would be content to adjourn for that mean time.

The secretary et al. said, These alliances were of great weight and difficulty, and the time had been short. But if they were finished, yet it was not convenient to publish them till the king was in a readiness and posture to prosecute and maintain them; till then, his Majesty could not so much as speak out or insist upon his words. That without £600,000 it would not be possible for him to speak or act those things which should answer the ends of the several addresses without exposing the kingdom to a much greater danger.

By others it was observed and said, that they met now upon a public notice by proclamation, which proclamation was in pursuance of their last address, in which they desired the king they might adjourn to such a time, as within which (they hoped) the alliances might be fixed, so as to be imparted. They mentioned not any particular day. If his Majesty had not thought this time long enough for that purpose he might have appointed the adjournment for a longer time. Or he might have given notice by proclamation, that upon this Act they should rejourn to a yet longer time.

But truly the time hath been sufficient, especially considering the readiness of the parties to be allied with; it is five weeks since our recess. He that was a minister chiefly employed concerning the Triple League, has published in print that the League was made in five days. And yet this might well be thought a matter more tedious and longer than this. For when a people are in profound peace (as the Dutch then were) it is not easy to embrace them presently into leagues. They have time, and may take time for great deliberation. But here the people are in desire of war and need our alliance: and therefore it might be contracted with ease and expedition, were we as forward as they.

Neither is five weeks the limit of time that hath been for this purpose. For it is above ten weeks since we first addressed for these alliances.

And as to the objection, that it was not fit to make them known before preparations were made; it was

Grotius (de jure belli et pacis). [1] If a prince makes extraordinary preparations (a neighbour prince being affected by them) may expostulate and demand an account of the purpose for which they are intended, and if he receive not satisfaction that they are not to be used against him, it is a cause of war on his part, so as the neighbour may begin (if he think fit) and is not bound to stay till they first prepare and begin actual hostility, and this is agreeable to reason and the nature of governments.

Now the French king is a vigilant prince and has wise ministers about him, upon which general account though we had not (as we have seen) an extraordinary embassy here, during our recess, we should suppose that the French king has demanded an account of our king's purpose whether the extraordinary preparations (that are begun to be made) are designed against him or not. In which case his Majesty could give one of these three reasons.

I. To say, they are not designed against him, and then his Majesty may acquaint us with the same, and then there is no reason of giving money.

II. To say, they are designed against him. In which case, his Majesty may very well impart the same to us, for it were in vain to conceal it from us, to the end that the French might be alarmed when it is before expressly told the French, that the design was against them.

III. To give a doubtful answer; but that resolves on the second. For when a prince, out of an apprehension that extraordinary preparations may be used, desires a clear, categorical, and satisfactory answer concerning the matter (as the manner of princes is) a dubious answer does not at all satisfy the enquiry or allay his jealousy. But in what case it is, and is used to be taken and understood that the forces are designed against him. And if his Majesty have given no answer at all (which is not probable) it is the same with the last. So that this being so, by one means or other, the French have the knowledge of the king's purpose. And if it but be known so or but guessed at by them why is this concealed from the Parliament ? Why this darkness towards us ?

Besides, we expect so much as we would hope for, so long as we are afraid the French should have known what we are a doing.

In this state of uncertainty and unripeness the House adjourned to Wednesday morning, nine of the clock, and having first ordered the Committee for the Bill for recalling his Majesty's forces out of

Wednesday, May 23, '77.

His Majesty sent a message for the House to attend him presently at the Banqueting House at Whitehall: where he made a speech to them. After which, the Commons returning to the House and the speech being there read, they presently resolved to consider it, and after a little while resolved into a Committee of the whole House for the more full, free, and regular debate.

The secretary and others propounded to supply the king, wherein they said they did not press the House but they might do as they pleased.

But if it were expected that alliances should be made and known, there must be £600,000 raised to make preparations before; for the king declared, that without it, it was not possible for him to speak or act, &c. He could not safely step a step further. The king had the right of making peace, and war, and leagues, as this House has of giving money.

He could not have money without them, and [they] the alliancy without him.

The king considered this matter, and this was his judgment: That he ought by such a sum to be put into a posture to maintain and prosecute his alliances; before they could or should be declared our nakednesses or weaknesses would be exposed, (because) 'tis true, as has been objected, the asking and giving money for this purpose would alarm as much as the

We know the king would strip himself to his shirt rather than hazard the nation. He has done much already, he has set out and made ready to set out forty-four ships. But they must be distributed to several places for convoys, &c. There would need (it may be) forty more in a body, and it is difficult to get seamen, many are gone into the service of the French and Dutch, and the king is forced to press now.

The king hath not had any fruits of the £200,000 credit provided him upon the three years' excise.

He has tried the city to borrow money of them thereupon, and my lord mayor returned answer that he could not encourage his Majesty to depend upon the city for it.

Several others somewhat differing speak to this effect.

We should consider in this case as in the case of the king's letters patent, proclamations, &c. If any thing in them be against law and reason the lawyers and courts end it void, and reckon it not to be said or done by the king.

For the king can do nothing wrong, though his council may.

So we must look in the king's speeches and messages as the product of council, and therefore (if any mistake be) it must be imputed to the error of his council, and it must be taken the king never said it.

Now to apply: certainly the treating and concluding of alliances requires not a previous sum of money; however the king's council may misinform him, they may be propounded and accepted here by the means of the foreign ministers even without an embassy to be sent hence.

And yet if they were requisite it were not an extraordinary charge.

Alliances may be made forthwith, and then money would be granted forthwith.

If they were declared to-day the £600,000 would be given to-morrow, and more as occasion should require.

And there is no fear but money would be found for this purpose.

Our own extravagances would maintain a war.

The money that has been provided the king already this session is sufficient for all preparations that can possibly be made before those alliances are made.

Forty ships of ours, with the help of the Dutch, are a good defence against the French at sea now he is entangled in Sicily, the West Indies, &c.

In the triple league it was stipulated that forty of our ships and forty of the Dutch should be provided, and they were thought sufficient for the purpose.

If itwere requisite that forty more ships should be set out £600,000 is enough to maintain and pay them a whole year, for the carpenters' work and the like, as should presently be requisite for fitting them to go out a little money would serve. And surely this is

For the debate of this day it is as great and weighty as ever was any in England. It concerns our very being, and includes our religion, liberty. and property. The door towards France must be shut and guarded; for so long as it is open our treasure and trade will creep out and their religion will creep in at it. And this time is our season; some mischief will be done, and so there will be at any time when the war is begun, but now the least.

The French is not very dangerous to us now, nor to be much feared at this present. But we ought to advise and act so now, as we need not fear or despair hereafter: when the French will make peace beyond sea and likely he will make alliances with those people, with whom we defer to make them. How ripe and great will our misery be then.

The power and policy of the French is extraordinary, his money influenceth round about him; we are glad to observe what is said by the king. That his Majesty agrees with us in the end, and we hope he will be convinced of the unreasonableness of the means which is to make, and follow these alliances without plainly, we can give no account to ourselves or those we represent, of giving money. We have made several addresses about some of the king's ministers, their management, &c., of which we have seen but little fruit.

There have continually almost to this hour gone out of England, succours to France, of men, powder, ammunition, ordnance, &c., not to rake into the matter how far the ministers have been active or passive in this nor to mention any other particulars, we must say (that unless) the ministers, or their minds, are altered we have no reason to trust money in their hands; though we declare we have no reason to declare or attempt upon them. But could rather propose to them an easy way how they might have an oblivion, nay, and the thanks of the people (viz): That they should endeavour and contend who could do most to dispose the king to comply with this advice of his Parliament.

We think (the prosecuting these alliances) the only good use for which money can be employed. And therefore before we give we would be secured it should be employed to their purpose, and not by miscounsels be directed to others.

This is the mature counsel of Parliament and no cross or evil counsel is to be received or trusted for attaining these great ends which the king and Parliament are agreed on.

It was an error committed in the late king's time, and which looks as if men had given counsel on purpose to destroy that good king had he not by the care and faithfulness of bishop Juxon and others collected and preserved a good sum of money before the Scotch rebellion, in .

Upon that rebellion he was advised to raise an army at land, which was indeed necessary. But lie

And if the design was to hinder their commerce and succours by sea the charge of one of those great ships might have been divided and applied to the setting out of five or six lesser ships, each of which was capable of doing as much for that service as such a great one, and would abide at sea longer.

This is a plain case, that unless the power of France be lowered we cannot be safe, and without our conjunction with the other confederates that cannot be done.

The question is whether the present time is the proper time for this work? Certainly it is. For now there is a happy confederation against the French which we cannot hope so well to have continued, without our coming into it, if once the same be broken.

The very season of the year favours the business. It's proper and safe to begin with the French in the summer, now he is engaged and not at leisure. Whereas, in the winter, when the armies are drawn out of the field, he will be able to apply himself to us.

As to the citizens not advancing money upon the old credit (we are informed) they were never regularly or effectually asked.

My lord mayor indeed was spoken to, and perhaps some of the aldermen. But they are not the city. He sent about cursorily to some of the citizens to know if they would lend, of which they took little or no notice; for the custom in such a case has always been that some lords of the council do go down to the common council, which is the representative body of the city, and there propound the matter.

Besides, in this particular case the citizens generally asked the same questions we do: are the alliances made ? And said if they were made, then would they lend money, but if not they saw no cause for it.

Philip the Second of Spain made an observation in his will, or some last memorial, and it is since published by Monsieur.

He observes the vanity of any princes aspiring at the universal monarchy, for that it naturally made the rest of the world jointly his enemies. Ambition blinds men (and) suffers them not to look back upon such experiences. But the observation shows what is natural for others to do in such a case, and that the way to repel and break such a design is by the mindful consideration.

Philip the Second was capable of making this observation, for in his hands perished the Spanish design of universal monarchy, and that chiefly by the conjunction of the English and Dutch against him.

In the process of which debate several gentlemen did more particularly explain themselves, and propounded to advise their desire to the king, for a

Against which a specious objection was made.

That the Dutch were already treating with the French: and it is likely they would slip their necks from the collars, make a separate peace for themselves, and leave us engaged in a war with France.

To which it was answered, that there was no just fear of that. The Dutch were interested in repressing the power of France as well as we; and they know their interest. It was reasonable for them to say, if England (which is as much concerned in this danger) will not assist us, we will make the best terms for ourselves we can.

There is yet a seam of land between the French and us: we may trade by or under the French, &c. But if England will join with the Dutch, they cannot find one syllable of reason to desert the common cause.

They have observed a propensity in the people of England to help them, but not in the Court of England. If they can find that the Court does heartily join, it will above all things oblige and confirm them.

In 667, when the Dutch were in peace and plenty, when Flanders was a greater bulwark to them, for the French had not pierced so far into it, and when the direction of their affairs was in the hands of an inveterate enemy to the crown of England (John de Witt) yet then their interests did so far govern him and them, as to enter into the Triple League against the growth and power of France, and keep it more down most certainly.

Therefore now they are exhausted and weakened by war and stand in need of our help; now the French have approached near the banks of their country, and are increased in naval forces, to the danger of their trade and navigation; and now their affairs are chiefly directed by a kinsman of the crown of England (the Prince of Orange) they cannot deflect or depart from a league they make with us against our common enemy.

It was moved, That there might be a league offensive and defensive with Spain and the Dutch, and other convenient alliances with the rest of the confederates. But the particulars concerning Spain was contracted and laid aside by the concurrent discourse of the members to this purpose.

We court an alliance with Spain above all others, for they are the owners of the Netherlands, for whose preservation we have addressed. That it is with Spain we have the most if not the only profitable trade. And the Spaniards are gallant, good, and sure friends, but they are remote; and we know not whether there are full powers here or at Brussels for this matter. And to wait for their coming from Madrid would make church-work (as they call it), whereas we need the swiftest expedition.

Therefore they voted their addresses to be particular and expressly for such a league with the Dutch and the Spaniards, together with the other confederates in general.

This passed with a very good consent. There was an extraordinary full house, and upon putting the

There were other more extraordinary particulars appointed to be in the address, but no contest or debate about them.

The vote is as follows :

.Resolved, That an address be made to the king that his Majesty will be pleased to enter into a league offensive and defensive, with the States General of the United Provinces, and to make such other alliances with such other of the confederates as his Majesty shall think fit against the growth and power of the French king, and for the preservation of the Spanish Netherlands: and that a committee be appointed to draw up an address with reasons why this House cannot comply with his Majesty's speech until such alliances were entered into. And further showing the necessity of a speedy making of such alliances; and when such alliances are made giving his Majesty assurance of speedy and cheerful supplies from time to time for supporting and maintaining these alliances.

To which the speaker resumed the chair, and this being reported the House agreed and appointed a committee and adjourned over Ascension Day to Friday, nine o'clock.

Friday [May] 25, .

Sir John Turner reported from the said committee; but before it was agreed to there was a debate and division of the House.

It was observed and objected that there was but

The king's first Dutch war, it was said to be mistaken, for that £200,000 was voted before the war declared. But it was answered that if the declaration was not before the grant of the money (which remains a query), yet 'twas certain the war itself and great hostilities were before the money. And some said there might be other reasons assigned against giving money before those alliances, but they rather desired to spare them; only in general said it was not reasonable to grant money before there was a change, they would not say of counsellors but of counsels . Then a gentleman produced and read the king's speech made on Monday, Feb. the 1st, , wherein he speaks chiefly of the league, which afterwards, when the Swedes came into it, was called the Triple League.

It begins thus:- My Lords and Gentlemen,

I am glad to see you here again, to tell you what I have done in this interval, which I am confident you will be pleased with, since it is so much for the honour and security of this nation. I have made a league with the States of the United Provinces, and likewise a mediation of peace between the two crowns. Into which league that of Swedeland, by his ambassador, has offered to enter as a principal. I did not at our last meeting move you for any aids,

Which shows a proper course and practice that kings communicate first their alliances, before they demand supplies upon the account of them. So this exception was let fall.

But the main objection managed against it, was upon the main point of the address. In which they desired his Majesty to make a league offensive and defensive with the Dutch, and such other alliances with the rest as he should think fit.

Those which were in the particulars or particularising spoke to this effect.

This is an invasion of his Majesty's prerogative, in making peace and war and leagues, and it's the worse for the distinction, which is used in respect of the Dutch and the rest. By which you giving him express direction as to the Dutch and reserving to his discretion as to the others, it looks and gives an unbrage as if what we were to do were by your league.

This power is one of the few things reserved to the Crown. Parliaments are sufficient to treat de arduis. But it is but de quibusdam arduis. This is unprecedented.

The marriage of the Royal Family is such a particular thing reserved to the king, and the matter of the lady Arabella is an instance.

Queen Elizabeth resented it high, that the Parliament should propound her marriage. And she said, however, it was well they did not name the person. If they had named the person it had been intolerable.

Now here you name the persons with whom you would have the king to ally. If you may go so far, you may come to draw up a treaty and propose to the king to assign it.

Lawyers can acquaint you with a precedent in Richard the Second's time, wherein the king nominated to the Commons a matter of peace and war to be treated on, and they refer it back to him as a thing not fit to consult of.

By this you will put a great indecorum on the king. He is now concerned as a mediator at Nimeguen, and it would be an indecent thing for him at the same time to declare himself a party. It's believed the House of Austria, though they sent a full power for that purpose, yet never intended to conclude a peace, but it were an absurd thing of them to declare so in public.

There must be a public decorum. This is the way

And again they said his Majesty did agree with the House in the end, and did not doubt but he would prosecute it by the same means as was desired. But his prerogative was not to be encroached upon. This manner of proceeding would never obtain with the king.

On the other side several spoke to this effect: "We ought to consider we are upon the question of agreeing an address drawn by our committee and by our order. If they have not in matter and manner corresponded with our direction and intention we have cause to disagree. But were the exception taken, and cause pressed, why we should not agree with them is because they have observed the very words and substance of our order, which exactly justifies this draft.

I. This passed on Wednesday upon a full debate, in a very full House.

II. Only contradicting, but not one then speaking, or thinking that the king's prerogative was touched; and therefore it is strange it should be made the great objection and question of this day.

But the prerogative is not at all entrenched upon; we do not pretend to treat or make alliance, we only offer our advice about them, and leave it with the

There are manifold precedents of such advices and leagues which have been made by advice of Parliament and have been ratified in Parliament in E. III., R. II., and in Henry the Fifth's time, and especially with Sigismund the emperor, and the king of the Romans. And Henry the Fifth was a magnanimous prince, and not to be imposed upon.

Jac. 18, the Parliament advised the king about the making and managing war. And we may well remember our own advising the first Dutch war. But if that were no precedent in this particular case, it were no good objection, for matter of advice is not to be a circumferised precedent. If there be a new case, there must be a new council. Perhaps there is no precedent for such a case, if a prince should join in war, together with another prince, when the other prince was too potent before. And when this was discerned and a peace made, yet supplies should continually go out of the first prince's dominions to the service of that other prince, and that notwithstanding several addresses and advices to the contrary.

'Tis true as objected, that the Commons have sometimes declined in advising in matters of war,

But they out of a prudent caution have sometimes waived the matter, lest they should engage further and deeper than they were aware of or willing.

Since his Majesty's treating as mediator at Nimeguen about the general peace, it is a great reason why we should specify the alliances desired, as we have done, that we might make it known we are far from desiring such alliances as might be made by and with a general peace. But on the contrary coveting such as might present and secure us against that dangerous and formidable peace. Doubtless the confederates will offer honourable and worthy terms. Their necessity is too great for them to boggle, or take advantage. Nor will they think this league the less worthy because we advise it, but rather value it the more because it is done unanimously by the king, with the advice and applause of his people in Parliament.

We cannot suppose that our propounding this to his Majesty will prejudice our address or endanger its miscarriage, since it is for his Majesty's advantage. In that it obliges us to supply him, in all degrees, through his affairs. And the more particular it is, the more still for the king's advantage. For if it had

We reflect that a great deal of time, and precious time, has been spent since our addressing on this subject, and finding no effectual fruit (especially of our last address) we have cause to apprehend we are not clearly understood in what we mean. Now it is the ordinary way in pursuing discourse in such a case, and it is proper and natural for us, to speak out more explicitly and particularly, and tell his Majesty that what we meant is a league offensive and defensive, &c. And to persuade us to address on in a more general term than before, is to persuade us that as we have done nothing these ten weeks, so we should do nothing still. And since his Majesty, in his last message and last speech, hath been pleased to demand £600,000 for answering the purpose of our address, and assures us the money shall not be employed to other use than we would have it employed in, it is most reasonable for us to declare plainly the use and purpose we intend, that so it may be consented and clearly understood of all hands. And therefore it is well to mention to his Majesty these express alliances. We think no other alliances worth the said sum. And we withal promising and undertaking that his Majesty shall

In this manner we have presented more than our address for alliances against the growth and power of the French. And his Majesty hath received, admitted, and answered them without any manner of exception. And if we may address for alliances with a particular prince or state it cannot be less regular or particular than the former.

And moreover, though we know the punctual precedent is on our side beside our commissioners, by our writs, to treat de arduis et urgentilbus negotiis, regis statu; et defensionem regni, et ecclesuæAnglican concerentibus. And besides the king's general intimations in his printed speech, yet if it be said to be a decent and a proper thing to have his Majesty's leave and consent before we proceed on such a matter in such a manner as we now do; we say, that in effect it is with us too. For consider all the former addresses and his Majesty's answers and messages thereupon, it will appear that his Majesty hath engaged and encouraged us too upon this subject. And that which we expect and would have is not to limit, or check, or advise, but open and enlarge our gift.

His Majesty appears content to be thoroughly advised, provided he be proportionately furnished and enabled with money, which we (being now ready to do) clearly and conclusively present him our address for the application of it, those mistakes and

And truly the advising these alliances, together with assuring his Majesty thereupon to assist and supply him presently and plentifully to prosecute the same is our only way of complying and corresponding with his last speech. For those followed and supported by these supplies are the only means and method to put his Majesty in the best condition, both to defend his subjects and to offend his enemies. And so there will be no fault in his Majesty nor us; but his and our security will sufficiently be provided for.

Besides it will be worse, it will be a very bad thing indeed, not to make the address. For this particular, now since we have resolved it already, our intention being to have the Dutch, &c. (comforted, and encouraged, and assured), we did order this on Wednesday.

And there is public notice taken of it abroad and beyond sea: if we should not upon solemn debates set the same aside it would beget a great doubt, discomfort, and discouragement to them. It is one thing never to have ordered it, another to retract it: also it was said that this was necessary, for suppose (which is not credible) the French should be prevailed with to deliver up all Lorraine, Flanders, Alsace, and other conquered places, are we safe ? No. He has too much money, and this money is in

After this long debate the House came to the question : whether this particular league, offensive and defensive, should be left out of the address ? Upon which question the House divided.

Yeas, 142. Noes, 182.

So that it was carried by 40 that it should stand.

The main question was put for agreeing with the committee to the address, which passed in the affirmative without division of the House.

Then it was ordered that those members of the House who were of his Majesty's Privy Council should move his Majesty to know his pleasure, when the House might wait upon him with the address.

Mr. Poole reported from the committee, of amendments to the Bill for the recalling his Majesty's subjects out of the French king's service, which were read and agreed to by the House, and the Bill, with the amendments, ordered to be engrossed.

Saturday, May 26, .

The House being sate and notice by Mr. Secretary Coventry that the king would receive their address at three o'clock in the afternoon. Then the Bill for recalling his Majesty's subjects (being engrossed) was read a third time and passed.

The effect of it in short is this, that all and every of his Majesty's born subjects who should continue or be, after the first day of August next, in the military service of the French king, should be disenabled to inherit any lands, tenements or hereditaments, and be incapable of any gift, grant, or legacy, or to be executor or administrator, and (being convicted) should be adjudged guilty of felony without benefit of clergy, and not pardonable by his Majesty, his heirs, or successors, except only by Act of Parliament, wherein such offender should be particularly named.

The like appointment touching such as should continue in the sea service of the French king after the tenth day of May, . This act as to prohibiting that offence and inflicting the penalties, to continue but for two years. But the executing and proceeding upon it, for offences against the act, might be at any time after as within two years.

Then it was ordered that Mr. Poole should carry the bill to the Lords, and with all put the Lords in mind of a Bill for the better suppressing the growth of Popery, which they had sent up to the Lords before Easter, which was forthwith done accordingly.

As soon as this was ordered, several other bills were moved to be read, etc., but the members generally said No, they would proceed on nothing but the French and Popery and so adjourned to the afternoon, when they attended the king with their address in the Banqueting House, at Whitehall, which being presented, the king answered that it was long, and of great importance ; that he would consider of, and give them an answer as soon as he could.

Monday, May 28, .

The House being sat, they received notice by Mr. Secretary Coventry, that the king expected them immediately at the Banqueting House, (which when being come) the king made a speech to them on the subject of the address, which speech to prevent mistakes his Majesty read out of the paper, and then delivered the same to the Speaker, and his Majesty added a few words about the adjournment, upon this they returning to the House, the Speaker read the king's speech, which was as follows:

" Gentlemen,-

" Could I have been silent I would rather have chosen to be so than to call to mind things so unfit for you to meddle with, as are contained in some parts of your last address, wherein you have entrenched upon so undoubted a right of the Crown that I am confident it will appear in no age (when the sword was not drawn) that the prerogative of making peace and war hath been so dangerously invaded.

" You do not content yourselves with desiring me to enter into such leagues as may be for the safety of the kingdom, but you tell me what sort of leagues they must be, and with whom; and, as your address is worded, it is more liable to be understood to be by your leave than at your request that I should make such other alliances as I please with other of the confederates.

"Should I suffer this fundamental power of making peace and war to be so far invaded (though but once) as to have the manner and circumstances of

"These are in short the reasons why I can by no means approve of your address, and yet, though you have declined to grant me that supply which is so necessary to the ends of it, I do again declare to you that as I have done all that lay in my power since your last meeting, so I will still apply myself by all the means I can to let the world see my care both for the security and satisfaction of my people, although it may not be with those advantages to them which by your assistance I might have procured."

And then the Speaker reported that his Majesty added by word of mouth,

That his Majesty was further pleased to declare his pleasure to them that the House should be adjourned till the 16th of July next, telling them he would give them notice by his proclamation when his Majesty intended they should sit again, which his Majesty was pleased to say should not be till the winter, unless there were some extraordinary occasion of calling them sooner.

And accordingly being returned to Westminster

Then a member standing up to speak, and many calling for him to be heard, the Speaker said no, none ought to be heard after the king had required and ordered their adjournment, and said the king had ordered them to adjourn. Whereupon several said that he could not adjourn them; but it was they must adjourn themselves, and that he could not leave the chair but by a question and the vote of the House, and offered to show a precedent of sitting after direction from the king to adjourn. But the Speaker said no, they were not to be, since the king had determined as he had, and said they were adjourned till the 16th of July next, and so went hastily from the chair.

Monday, July 16, .

The Parliament meet again but only in order to adjourn. In the House of Commons the prayers were read and the ordinary prayer for the blessing the councils of Parliament, and then the Speaker took the chair, and Mr. Secretary Coventry signified to the House his Majesty's pleasure that they should adjourn themselves immediately till December 3rd, which message the Speaker reported, and then sat down again, perhaps in expectation of a motion to be made to adjourn accordingly.

But there was no such motion expressly made; only some cried the Question,the Question, etc.

My lord Ca[vend]ish moved that their last order

Mr. Williams seconded the motion, and said he did it rather because there had been some discourse of some informality in the last adjournment. Thereupon presently the Speaker rose up and said, "Gentlemen, the king has commanded that the House be adjourned till the 3rd of December," and then went immediately from the chair and out of the House in the same manner as the last time; several members saying it ought to have been done by a question and some speaking hard words after the Speaker. There were near two hundred members in the House.

[1] Lib. 2, Cap. 2 Sect. 39, et alib.Lord Bacon's Essay of Empry.