England under Charles II. from the Restoration to the Treaty of Nimeguen, 1660-1678: English History from Contemporary Writers

Taylor, W. F.


Public opinion having compelled the King to assent to an alliance with the Dutch, and a war with France, Charles endeavours to extract £600,000 from the Commons on that excuse; after an adjournment the Commons proceed to discuss the matter in private sittings. Public distrust of the King.


Private debates in the House of Commons in the year , Lond., .

Private debates in the House of Commons (Begun Monday, May 21, ,) In relation to a war with France, etc.

The parliament met according to their late adjournment from April 16th to the 21st May, . There was no speech to the parliament, but in the House of Commons.

This meeting was opened with a verbal message, delivered by Mr. Secretary Coventry; wherein his Majesty acquainted the House that having according to their desire in their answer to his last message, April the 16th, directed their adjournment to this time because they did acknowledge it as unparliamentary to grant supplies when the House was so thin, in expectation of a speedy adjournment. And having so issued out his proclamation of summons, to the end that there might be a full House, he did now expect they would forthwith enter upon the consideration of his last message. And because he


did intend there should be a great recess very quickly.

Upon this it was moved, That the king's last messsage of the 16th of April, and the answer thereunto, should be read; and they were read accordingly.

Thereupon, after a long silence, a discourse began about their expectation and the necessity of alliances; and particularly it was intimated that an alliance with Holland was most expedient. For that we should deceive ourselves if we thought we could be otherwise defended. For we alone could not withstand the French, his purse and power is too great; nor could the Dutch withstand him alone, but both together might.

The general discourse was, That they came with an expectation to have alliances declared; and if they were not made so as to be imparted, they were not called or come to that purpose they were desired and hoped to meet; and if few days might ripen them, they would be content to adjourn for that mean time.

The secretary et al. said, These alliances were of great weight and difficulty, and the time had been short. But if they were finished, yet it was not convenient to publish them till the king was in a readiness and posture to prosecute and maintain them; till then, his Majesty could not so much as speak out or insist upon his words. That without £600,000 it would not be possible for him to speak or act those things which should answer the ends of the several addresses without exposing the kingdom to a much greater danger.

By others it was observed and said, that they met now upon a public notice by proclamation, which proclamation was in pursuance of their last address, in which they desired the king they might adjourn to such a time, as within which (they hoped) the alliances might be fixed, so as to be imparted. They mentioned not any particular day. If his Majesty had not thought this time long enough for that purpose he might have appointed the adjournment for a longer time. Or he might have given notice by proclamation, that upon this Act they should rejourn to a yet longer time.

But truly the time hath been sufficient, especially considering the readiness of the parties to be allied with; it is five weeks since our recess. He that was a minister chiefly employed concerning the Triple League, has published in print that the League was made in five days. And yet this might well be thought a matter more tedious and longer than this. For when a people are in profound peace (as the Dutch then were) it is not easy to embrace them presently into leagues. They have time, and may take time for great deliberation. But here the people are in desire of war and need our alliance: and therefore it might be contracted with ease and expedition, were we as forward as they.

Neither is five weeks the limit of time that hath been for this purpose. For it is above ten weeks since we first addressed for these alliances.

And as to the objection, that it was not fit to make them known before preparations were made; it was


said that the force of that lay in this: that the French would be alarmed. To which it was answered that the asking and giving money for this purpose would be no less an alarm. For the French could not be ignorant of what addresses and answers have passed. And if money be granted to make warlike preparations for the ends therein specified, it is rather a greater discovery and denouncing of what we intend against the French.

Grotius (de jure belli et pacis). [1] If a prince makes extraordinary preparations (a neighbour prince being affected by them) may expostulate and demand an account of the purpose for which they are intended, and if he receive not satisfaction that they are not to be used against him, it is a cause of war on his part, so as the neighbour may begin (if he think fit) and is not bound to stay till they first prepare and begin actual hostility, and this is agreeable to reason and the nature of governments.

Now the French king is a vigilant prince and has wise ministers about him, upon which general account though we had not (as we have seen) an extraordinary embassy here, during our recess, we should suppose that the French king has demanded an account of our king's purpose whether the extraordinary preparations (that are begun to be made) are designed against him or not. In which case his Majesty could give one of these three reasons.

I. To say, they are not designed against him, and then his Majesty may acquaint us with the same, and then there is no reason of giving money.

II. To say, they are designed against him. In which case, his Majesty may very well impart the same to us, for it were in vain to conceal it from us, to the end that the French might be alarmed when it is before expressly told the French, that the design was against them.

III. To give a doubtful answer; but that resolves on the second. For when a prince, out of an apprehension that extraordinary preparations may be used, desires a clear, categorical, and satisfactory answer concerning the matter (as the manner of princes is) a dubious answer does not at all satisfy the enquiry or allay his jealousy. But in what case it is, and is used to be taken and understood that the forces are designed against him. And if his Majesty have given no answer at all (which is not probable) it is the same with the last. So that this being so, by one means or other, the French have the knowledge of the king's purpose. And if it but be known so or but guessed at by them why is this concealed from the Parliament ? Why this darkness towards us ?

Besides, we expect so much as we would hope for, so long as we are afraid the French should have known what we are a doing.

In this state of uncertainty and unripeness the House adjourned to Wednesday morning, nine of the clock, and having first ordered the Committee for the Bill for recalling his Majesty's forces out of


the French king's service, to sit this afternoon, which did sit accordingly and went through the Bill.

Wednesday, May 23, '77.

His Majesty sent a message for the House to attend him presently at the Banqueting House at Whitehall: where he made a speech to them. After which, the Commons returning to the House and the speech being there read, they presently resolved to consider it, and after a little while resolved into a Committee of the whole House for the more full, free, and regular debate.

The secretary and others propounded to supply the king, wherein they said they did not press the House but they might do as they pleased.

But if it were expected that alliances should be made and known, there must be £600,000 raised to make preparations before; for the king declared, that without it, it was not possible for him to speak or act, &c. He could not safely step a step further. The king had the right of making peace, and war, and leagues, as this House has of giving money.

He could not have money without them, and [they] the alliancy without him.

The king considered this matter, and this was his judgment: That he ought by such a sum to be put into a posture to maintain and prosecute his alliances; before they could or should be declared our nakednesses or weaknesses would be exposed, (because) 'tis true, as has been objected, the asking and giving money for this purpose would alarm as much as the


declaration of alliances. But then it will defend too; a whip may alarm a wild beast, but it will not defend the man.

We know the king would strip himself to his shirt rather than hazard the nation. He has done much already, he has set out and made ready to set out forty-four ships. But they must be distributed to several places for convoys, &c. There would need (it may be) forty more in a body, and it is difficult to get seamen, many are gone into the service of the French and Dutch, and the king is forced to press now.

The king hath not had any fruits of the £200,000 credit provided him upon the three years' excise.

He has tried the city to borrow money of them thereupon, and my lord mayor returned answer that he could not encourage his Majesty to depend upon the city for it.

Several others somewhat differing speak to this effect.

We should consider in this case as in the case of the king's letters patent, proclamations, &c. If any thing in them be against law and reason the lawyers and courts end it void, and reckon it not to be said or done by the king.

For the king can do nothing wrong, though his council may.

So we must look in the king's speeches and messages as the product of council, and therefore (if any mistake be) it must be imputed to the error of his council, and it must be taken the king never said it.



Now to apply: certainly the treating and concluding of alliances requires not a previous sum of money; however the king's council may misinform him, they may be propounded and accepted here by the means of the foreign ministers even without an embassy to be sent hence.

And yet if they were requisite it were not an extraordinary charge.

Alliances may be made forthwith, and then money would be granted forthwith.

If they were declared to-day the £600,000 would be given to-morrow, and more as occasion should require.

And there is no fear but money would be found for this purpose.

Our own extravagances would maintain a war.

The money that has been provided the king already this session is sufficient for all preparations that can possibly be made before those alliances are made.

Forty ships of ours, with the help of the Dutch, are a good defence against the French at sea now he is entangled in Sicily, the West Indies, &c.

In the triple league it was stipulated that forty of our ships and forty of the Dutch should be provided, and they were thought sufficient for the purpose.

If itwere requisite that forty more ships should be set out £600,000 is enough to maintain and pay them a whole year, for the carpenters' work and the like, as should presently be requisite for fitting them to go out a little money would serve. And surely this is


the only preparation that can be meant: that we should fortify the land with forts, garrisons, walled towns, &c. It is not six millions will do it; but our strength, force, and defence is our ships.

For the debate of this day it is as great and weighty as ever was any in England. It concerns our very being, and includes our religion, liberty. and property. The door towards France must be shut and guarded; for so long as it is open our treasure and trade will creep out and their religion will creep in at it. And this time is our season; some mischief will be done, and so there will be at any time when the war is begun, but now the least.

The French is not very dangerous to us now, nor to be much feared at this present. But we ought to advise and act so now, as we need not fear or despair hereafter: when the French will make peace beyond sea and likely he will make alliances with those people, with whom we defer to make them. How ripe and great will our misery be then.

The power and policy of the French is extraordinary, his money influenceth round about him; we are glad to observe what is said by the king. That his Majesty agrees with us in the end, and we hope he will be convinced of the unreasonableness of the means which is to make, and follow these alliances without plainly, we can give no account to ourselves or those we represent, of giving money. We have made several addresses about some of the king's ministers, their management, &c., of which we have seen but little fruit.

There have continually almost to this hour gone out of England, succours to France, of men, powder, ammunition, ordnance, &c., not to rake into the matter how far the ministers have been active or passive in this nor to mention any other particulars, we must say (that unless) the ministers, or their minds, are altered we have no reason to trust money in their hands; though we declare we have no reason to declare or attempt upon them. But could rather propose to them an easy way how they might have an oblivion, nay, and the thanks of the people (viz): That they should endeavour and contend who could do most to dispose the king to comply with this advice of his Parliament.

We think (the prosecuting these alliances) the only good use for which money can be employed. And therefore before we give we would be secured it should be employed to their purpose, and not by miscounsels be directed to others.

This is the mature counsel of Parliament and no cross or evil counsel is to be received or trusted for attaining these great ends which the king and Parliament are agreed on.

It was an error committed in the late king's time, and which looks as if men had given counsel on purpose to destroy that good king had he not by the care and faithfulness of bishop Juxon and others collected and preserved a good sum of money before the Scotch rebellion, in .

Upon that rebellion he was advised to raise an army at land, which was indeed necessary. But lie


was likewise advised to set out several of his great rate ships. This appeared in the papers of sir Robert Long's office, and may there be seen still if the papers are not scattered. A man cannot tell for what end this advice was given, unless to spend the king's money. For the Admiralty of Scotland is not now, and much less was it then, so considerable as to require any such force against it.

And if the design was to hinder their commerce and succours by sea the charge of one of those great ships might have been divided and applied to the setting out of five or six lesser ships, each of which was capable of doing as much for that service as such a great one, and would abide at sea longer.

This is a plain case, that unless the power of France be lowered we cannot be safe, and without our conjunction with the other confederates that cannot be done.

The question is whether the present time is the proper time for this work? Certainly it is. For now there is a happy confederation against the French which we cannot hope so well to have continued, without our coming into it, if once the same be broken.

The very season of the year favours the business. It's proper and safe to begin with the French in the summer, now he is engaged and not at leisure. Whereas, in the winter, when the armies are drawn out of the field, he will be able to apply himself to us.

As to the citizens not advancing money upon the old credit (we are informed) they were never regularly or effectually asked.

My lord mayor indeed was spoken to, and perhaps some of the aldermen. But they are not the city. He sent about cursorily to some of the citizens to know if they would lend, of which they took little or no notice; for the custom in such a case has always been that some lords of the council do go down to the common council, which is the representative body of the city, and there propound the matter.

Besides, in this particular case the citizens generally asked the same questions we do: are the alliances made ? And said if they were made, then would they lend money, but if not they saw no cause for it.

Philip the Second of Spain made an observation in his will, or some last memorial, and it is since published by Monsieur.

He observes the vanity of any princes aspiring at the universal monarchy, for that it naturally made the rest of the world jointly his enemies. Ambition blinds men (and) suffers them not to look back upon such experiences. But the observation shows what is natural for others to do in such a case, and that the way to repel and break such a design is by the mindful consideration.

Philip the Second was capable of making this observation, for in his hands perished the Spanish design of universal monarchy, and that chiefly by the conjunction of the English and Dutch against him.

In the process of which debate several gentlemen did more particularly explain themselves, and propounded to advise their desire to the king, for a


league offensive and defensive with the Dutch, and against the French power.

Against which a specious objection was made.

That the Dutch were already treating with the French: and it is likely they would slip their necks from the collars, make a separate peace for themselves, and leave us engaged in a war with France.

To which it was answered, that there was no just fear of that. The Dutch were interested in repressing the power of France as well as we; and they know their interest. It was reasonable for them to say, if England (which is as much concerned in this danger) will not assist us, we will make the best terms for ourselves we can.

There is yet a seam of land between the French and us: we may trade by or under the French, &c. But if England will join with the Dutch, they cannot find one syllable of reason to desert the common cause.

They have observed a propensity in the people of England to help them, but not in the Court of England. If they can find that the Court does heartily join, it will above all things oblige and confirm them.

In 667, when the Dutch were in peace and plenty, when Flanders was a greater bulwark to them, for the French had not pierced so far into it, and when the direction of their affairs was in the hands of an inveterate enemy to the crown of England (John de Witt) yet then their interests did so far govern him and them, as to enter into the Triple League against the growth and power of France, and keep it more down most certainly.

Therefore now they are exhausted and weakened by war and stand in need of our help; now the French have approached near the banks of their country, and are increased in naval forces, to the danger of their trade and navigation; and now their affairs are chiefly directed by a kinsman of the crown of England (the Prince of Orange) they cannot deflect or depart from a league they make with us against our common enemy.

It was moved, That there might be a league offensive and defensive with Spain and the Dutch, and other convenient alliances with the rest of the confederates. But the particulars concerning Spain was contracted and laid aside by the concurrent discourse of the members to this purpose.

We court an alliance with Spain above all others, for they are the owners of the Netherlands, for whose preservation we have addressed. That it is with Spain we have the most if not the only profitable trade. And the Spaniards are gallant, good, and sure friends, but they are remote; and we know not whether there are full powers here or at Brussels for this matter. And to wait for their coming from Madrid would make church-work (as they call it), whereas we need the swiftest expedition.

Therefore they voted their addresses to be particular and expressly for such a league with the Dutch and the Spaniards, together with the other confederates in general.

This passed with a very good consent. There was an extraordinary full house, and upon putting the


question there was but two negative voices to it.

There were other more extraordinary particulars appointed to be in the address, but no contest or debate about them.

The vote is as follows :

.Resolved, That an address be made to the king that his Majesty will be pleased to enter into a league offensive and defensive, with the States General of the United Provinces, and to make such other alliances with such other of the confederates as his Majesty shall think fit against the growth and power of the French king, and for the preservation of the Spanish Netherlands: and that a committee be appointed to draw up an address with reasons why this House cannot comply with his Majesty's speech until such alliances were entered into. And further showing the necessity of a speedy making of such alliances; and when such alliances are made giving his Majesty assurance of speedy and cheerful supplies from time to time for supporting and maintaining these alliances.

To which the speaker resumed the chair, and this being reported the House agreed and appointed a committee and adjourned over Ascension Day to Friday, nine o'clock.

Friday [May] 25, .

Sir John Turner reported from the said committee; but before it was agreed to there was a debate and division of the House.

It was observed and objected that there was but


one reason given herein for declining the granting money, and that is the unprecedentedness. And as to one of the instances to this purpose mentioned (viz.) :

The king's first Dutch war, it was said to be mistaken, for that £200,000 was voted before the war declared. But it was answered that if the declaration was not before the grant of the money (which remains a query), yet 'twas certain the war itself and great hostilities were before the money. And some said there might be other reasons assigned against giving money before those alliances, but they rather desired to spare them; only in general said it was not reasonable to grant money before there was a change, they would not say of counsellors but of counsels . Then a gentleman produced and read the king's speech made on Monday, Feb. the 1st, , wherein he speaks chiefly of the league, which afterwards, when the Swedes came into it, was called the Triple League.

It begins thus:- My Lords and Gentlemen,

I am glad to see you here again, to tell you what I have done in this interval, which I am confident you will be pleased with, since it is so much for the honour and security of this nation. I have made a league with the States of the United Provinces, and likewise a mediation of peace between the two crowns. Into which league that of Swedeland, by his ambassador, has offered to enter as a principal. I did not at our last meeting move you for any aids,


though I lie under great debts contracted in the last war. But now the posture of our neighbours abroad and the consequences of this new alliance, will oblige me for our security to set out a considerable fleet to sea this summer : and besides I must build more great ships. And 'tis necessary that I do something in order to the fortifying of some of our ports, I have begun something myself in order to those ends. But if I have not your speedy assistance I shall not be able to go through with it. Wherefore I do earnestly desire you to take into your speedy consideration, &c.

Which shows a proper course and practice that kings communicate first their alliances, before they demand supplies upon the account of them. So this exception was let fall.

But the main objection managed against it, was upon the main point of the address. In which they desired his Majesty to make a league offensive and defensive with the Dutch, and such other alliances with the rest as he should think fit.

Those which were in the particulars or particularising spoke to this effect.

This is an invasion of his Majesty's prerogative, in making peace and war and leagues, and it's the worse for the distinction, which is used in respect of the Dutch and the rest. By which you giving him express direction as to the Dutch and reserving to his discretion as to the others, it looks and gives an unbrage as if what we were to do were by your league.


The ancient land-mark and boundary between the king and his people must not be removed.

This power is one of the few things reserved to the Crown. Parliaments are sufficient to treat de arduis. But it is but de quibusdam arduis. This is unprecedented.

The marriage of the Royal Family is such a particular thing reserved to the king, and the matter of the lady Arabella is an instance.

Queen Elizabeth resented it high, that the Parliament should propound her marriage. And she said, however, it was well they did not name the person. If they had named the person it had been intolerable.

Now here you name the persons with whom you would have the king to ally. If you may go so far, you may come to draw up a treaty and propose to the king to assign it.

Lawyers can acquaint you with a precedent in Richard the Second's time, wherein the king nominated to the Commons a matter of peace and war to be treated on, and they refer it back to him as a thing not fit to consult of.

By this you will put a great indecorum on the king. He is now concerned as a mediator at Nimeguen, and it would be an indecent thing for him at the same time to declare himself a party. It's believed the House of Austria, though they sent a full power for that purpose, yet never intended to conclude a peace, but it were an absurd thing of them to declare so in public.

There must be a public decorum. This is the way


to have the king to have the worse bargain with the confederates. For the observing him now he is importuned, and, as it were, driven to make those alliances, will slacken and lessen to make those advantageous offers which otherwise they will be forced to give.

And again they said his Majesty did agree with the House in the end, and did not doubt but he would prosecute it by the same means as was desired. But his prerogative was not to be encroached upon. This manner of proceeding would never obtain with the king.

On the other side several spoke to this effect: "We ought to consider we are upon the question of agreeing an address drawn by our committee and by our order. If they have not in matter and manner corresponded with our direction and intention we have cause to disagree. But were the exception taken, and cause pressed, why we should not agree with them is because they have observed the very words and substance of our order, which exactly justifies this draft.

I. This passed on Wednesday upon a full debate, in a very full House.

II. Only contradicting, but not one then speaking, or thinking that the king's prerogative was touched; and therefore it is strange it should be made the great objection and question of this day.

But the prerogative is not at all entrenched upon; we do not pretend to treat or make alliance, we only offer our advice about them, and leave it with the


king; he may do what he pleaseth. Either make, or not make them. It is no more than other persons may do to the king, doubtless the Privy Council may advise in this particular, and why not this great council ? This rate of discourse would make the king's prerogative merely consist in not being advised by his Parliament of all people.

There are manifold precedents of such advices and leagues which have been made by advice of Parliament and have been ratified in Parliament in E. III., R. II., and in Henry the Fifth's time, and especially with Sigismund the emperor, and the king of the Romans. And Henry the Fifth was a magnanimous prince, and not to be imposed upon.

Jac. 18, the Parliament advised the king about the making and managing war. And we may well remember our own advising the first Dutch war. But if that were no precedent in this particular case, it were no good objection, for matter of advice is not to be a circumferised precedent. If there be a new case, there must be a new council. Perhaps there is no precedent for such a case, if a prince should join in war, together with another prince, when the other prince was too potent before. And when this was discerned and a peace made, yet supplies should continually go out of the first prince's dominions to the service of that other prince, and that notwithstanding several addresses and advices to the contrary.

'Tis true as objected, that the Commons have sometimes declined in advising in matters of war,


&c., proposed to them, but that shows not their want of right to meddle therewith, but rather the contrary. The very truth is, it hath been the desire and endeavours of kings in all ages to engage their Parliaments in advising war, &c., that so they might be obliged to supply the king to the utmost for and through it.

But they out of a prudent caution have sometimes waived the matter, lest they should engage further and deeper than they were aware of or willing.

Since his Majesty's treating as mediator at Nimeguen about the general peace, it is a great reason why we should specify the alliances desired, as we have done, that we might make it known we are far from desiring such alliances as might be made by and with a general peace. But on the contrary coveting such as might present and secure us against that dangerous and formidable peace. Doubtless the confederates will offer honourable and worthy terms. Their necessity is too great for them to boggle, or take advantage. Nor will they think this league the less worthy because we advise it, but rather value it the more because it is done unanimously by the king, with the advice and applause of his people in Parliament.

We cannot suppose that our propounding this to his Majesty will prejudice our address or endanger its miscarriage, since it is for his Majesty's advantage. In that it obliges us to supply him, in all degrees, through his affairs. And the more particular it is, the more still for the king's advantage. For if it had


been more general, and the king thereupon made alliances, whatever they were, men might have thought or said that they were not the alliances intended, and might be used as an excuse, or reason, for their not giving money. But this (as it is now) does not expressly, strictly, and particularly bind us up.

We reflect that a great deal of time, and precious time, has been spent since our addressing on this subject, and finding no effectual fruit (especially of our last address) we have cause to apprehend we are not clearly understood in what we mean. Now it is the ordinary way in pursuing discourse in such a case, and it is proper and natural for us, to speak out more explicitly and particularly, and tell his Majesty that what we meant is a league offensive and defensive, &c. And to persuade us to address on in a more general term than before, is to persuade us that as we have done nothing these ten weeks, so we should do nothing still. And since his Majesty, in his last message and last speech, hath been pleased to demand £600,000 for answering the purpose of our address, and assures us the money shall not be employed to other use than we would have it employed in, it is most reasonable for us to declare plainly the use and purpose we intend, that so it may be consented and clearly understood of all hands. And therefore it is well to mention to his Majesty these express alliances. We think no other alliances worth the said sum. And we withal promising and undertaking that his Majesty shall


have this and no more for those ends. Nor have we any cause to apprehend that his Majesty will take ill this our advice in league.

In this manner we have presented more than our address for alliances against the growth and power of the French. And his Majesty hath received, admitted, and answered them without any manner of exception. And if we may address for alliances with a particular prince or state it cannot be less regular or particular than the former.

And moreover, though we know the punctual precedent is on our side beside our commissioners, by our writs, to treat de arduis et urgentilbus negotiis, regis statu; et defensionem regni, et ecclesuæAnglican concerentibus. And besides the king's general intimations in his printed speech, yet if it be said to be a decent and a proper thing to have his Majesty's leave and consent before we proceed on such a matter in such a manner as we now do; we say, that in effect it is with us too. For consider all the former addresses and his Majesty's answers and messages thereupon, it will appear that his Majesty hath engaged and encouraged us too upon this subject. And that which we expect and would have is not to limit, or check, or advise, but open and enlarge our gift.

His Majesty appears content to be thoroughly advised, provided he be proportionately furnished and enabled with money, which we (being now ready to do) clearly and conclusively present him our address for the application of it, those mistakes and


mistrusts which his Majesty saith he finds some ready to make, as if he had called us together only to get money from us for other uses than we would have it employed in.

And truly the advising these alliances, together with assuring his Majesty thereupon to assist and supply him presently and plentifully to prosecute the same is our only way of complying and corresponding with his last speech. For those followed and supported by these supplies are the only means and method to put his Majesty in the best condition, both to defend his subjects and to offend his enemies. And so there will be no fault in his Majesty nor us; but his and our security will sufficiently be provided for.

Besides it will be worse, it will be a very bad thing indeed, not to make the address. For this particular, now since we have resolved it already, our intention being to have the Dutch, &c. (comforted, and encouraged, and assured), we did order this on Wednesday.

And there is public notice taken of it abroad and beyond sea: if we should not upon solemn debates set the same aside it would beget a great doubt, discomfort, and discouragement to them. It is one thing never to have ordered it, another to retract it: also it was said that this was necessary, for suppose (which is not credible) the French should be prevailed with to deliver up all Lorraine, Flanders, Alsace, and other conquered places, are we safe ? No. He has too much money, and this money is in


great measure, a million sterling, supplied him from hence. We must depress him by force, as soon as may be. And further, we must have leagues and laws to impoverish them. We must destroy the French trade. This would quiet and secure us. This would make our lands rise, and would enable us to set our king at ease.

After this long debate the House came to the question : whether this particular league, offensive and defensive, should be left out of the address ? Upon which question the House divided.

Yeas, 142. Noes, 182.

So that it was carried by 40 that it should stand.

The main question was put for agreeing with the committee to the address, which passed in the affirmative without division of the House.

Then it was ordered that those members of the House who were of his Majesty's Privy Council should move his Majesty to know his pleasure, when the House might wait upon him with the address.

Mr. Poole reported from the committee, of amendments to the Bill for the recalling his Majesty's subjects out of the French king's service, which were read and agreed to by the House, and the Bill, with the amendments, ordered to be engrossed.

Saturday, May 26, .

The House being sate and notice by Mr. Secretary Coventry that the king would receive their address at three o'clock in the afternoon. Then the Bill for recalling his Majesty's subjects (being engrossed) was read a third time and passed.


The effect of it in short is this, that all and every of his Majesty's born subjects who should continue or be, after the first day of August next, in the military service of the French king, should be disenabled to inherit any lands, tenements or hereditaments, and be incapable of any gift, grant, or legacy, or to be executor or administrator, and (being convicted) should be adjudged guilty of felony without benefit of clergy, and not pardonable by his Majesty, his heirs, or successors, except only by Act of Parliament, wherein such offender should be particularly named.

The like appointment touching such as should continue in the sea service of the French king after the tenth day of May, . This act as to prohibiting that offence and inflicting the penalties, to continue but for two years. But the executing and proceeding upon it, for offences against the act, might be at any time after as within two years.

Then it was ordered that Mr. Poole should carry the bill to the Lords, and with all put the Lords in mind of a Bill for the better suppressing the growth of Popery, which they had sent up to the Lords before Easter, which was forthwith done accordingly.

As soon as this was ordered, several other bills were moved to be read, etc., but the members generally said No, they would proceed on nothing but the French and Popery and so adjourned to the afternoon, when they attended the king with their address in the Banqueting House, at Whitehall, which being presented, the king answered that it was long, and of great importance ; that he would consider of, and give them an answer as soon as he could.

Monday, May 28, .

The House being sat, they received notice by Mr. Secretary Coventry, that the king expected them immediately at the Banqueting House, (which when being come) the king made a speech to them on the subject of the address, which speech to prevent mistakes his Majesty read out of the paper, and then delivered the same to the Speaker, and his Majesty added a few words about the adjournment, upon this they returning to the House, the Speaker read the king's speech, which was as follows:

" Gentlemen,-

" Could I have been silent I would rather have chosen to be so than to call to mind things so unfit for you to meddle with, as are contained in some parts of your last address, wherein you have entrenched upon so undoubted a right of the Crown that I am confident it will appear in no age (when the sword was not drawn) that the prerogative of making peace and war hath been so dangerously invaded.

" You do not content yourselves with desiring me to enter into such leagues as may be for the safety of the kingdom, but you tell me what sort of leagues they must be, and with whom; and, as your address is worded, it is more liable to be understood to be by your leave than at your request that I should make such other alliances as I please with other of the confederates.

"Should I suffer this fundamental power of making peace and war to be so far invaded (though but once) as to have the manner and circumstances of


leagues prescribed to me by Parliament, it's plain that no prince or state would any longer believe that the sovereignty of England rests in the Crown. Nor could I think myself to signify any more to foreign princes than the empty sound of a king. Wherefore you may rest assured that no condition shall make me depart from or lessen so essential a part of the monarchy. And I am willing to believe so well of this House of Commons, that I am confident these ill consequences are not intended by you.

"These are in short the reasons why I can by no means approve of your address, and yet, though you have declined to grant me that supply which is so necessary to the ends of it, I do again declare to you that as I have done all that lay in my power since your last meeting, so I will still apply myself by all the means I can to let the world see my care both for the security and satisfaction of my people, although it may not be with those advantages to them which by your assistance I might have procured."

And then the Speaker reported that his Majesty added by word of mouth,

That his Majesty was further pleased to declare his pleasure to them that the House should be adjourned till the 16th of July next, telling them he would give them notice by his proclamation when his Majesty intended they should sit again, which his Majesty was pleased to say should not be till the winter, unless there were some extraordinary occasion of calling them sooner.

And accordingly being returned to Westminster


the House of Commons was adjourned till the 16th of July next.

Then a member standing up to speak, and many calling for him to be heard, the Speaker said no, none ought to be heard after the king had required and ordered their adjournment, and said the king had ordered them to adjourn. Whereupon several said that he could not adjourn them; but it was they must adjourn themselves, and that he could not leave the chair but by a question and the vote of the House, and offered to show a precedent of sitting after direction from the king to adjourn. But the Speaker said no, they were not to be, since the king had determined as he had, and said they were adjourned till the 16th of July next, and so went hastily from the chair.

Monday, July 16, .

The Parliament meet again but only in order to adjourn. In the House of Commons the prayers were read and the ordinary prayer for the blessing the councils of Parliament, and then the Speaker took the chair, and Mr. Secretary Coventry signified to the House his Majesty's pleasure that they should adjourn themselves immediately till December 3rd, which message the Speaker reported, and then sat down again, perhaps in expectation of a motion to be made to adjourn accordingly.

But there was no such motion expressly made; only some cried the Question,the Question, etc.

My lord Ca[vend]ish moved that their last order


might be read, meaning the order about the last adjournment, to the end they might take notice of the authority by which they met there now; and this was said was usual and regular to be done.

Mr. Williams seconded the motion, and said he did it rather because there had been some discourse of some informality in the last adjournment. Thereupon presently the Speaker rose up and said, "Gentlemen, the king has commanded that the House be adjourned till the 3rd of December," and then went immediately from the chair and out of the House in the same manner as the last time; several members saying it ought to have been done by a question and some speaking hard words after the Speaker. There were near two hundred members in the House.


[1] Lib. 2, Cap. 2 Sect. 39, et alib.Lord Bacon's Essay of Empry.

This object is in collection Subject Temporal Permanent URL
Component ID:
To Cite:
TARC Citation Guide    EndNote
Detailed Rights
View all images in this book
 Title Page
Andrew Marvell's description of Charles II Works, ed.
Sept. 3, 1658 -Death of Oliver Cromwell; his personal peculiarities. Reresby's Memoirs, ed. 1735 vol. i. pp. 1-2
1658-1660 -State of affairs after the death of Cromwell. Memoirs of Sir John Bramston. Camden Soc. 1845 p. 112
Monk marches south, his further proceedings Ibid
April 20, 1658 -More particular accounts of Monk. Monk suspected by the Republicans. Lord Fauconberg to Henry Cromwell in Ireland
October 12, 1658 -His professions against Charles. Monk to Thurloe, secretary of the Parliamentarian Council of State.
January 16, 1660 -And protestations in favour of the Commonwealth.Ludlow's Memoirs, ed 1698-99 , vol. ii., p. 822
What he said in a conversation with General Ludlow. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 834.
March 8, 1660.-Reported to have declared for a free Parliament. Report of a correspondent at the Hague to Thurloe
March 12, 1660 -The House orders the organisation of the Militia. From the Printed Act, printed March 16,1660
Mar. 12, 1660 -Monk fears that counter sedition in the army will spoil his plans. John Barwick to Sir Edward Hyde
March 16.-The Long Parliament dissolves itself by its own authority; writs are issued for a new Parliament. From the Printed Act, printed March 20,1660
March 19, 1660 -Form of writ issued by the Rump as ' Keepers of the liberties of England.1660 From a broadside of the year
March 20, 1660 -Thurloe is informed with certainty of Monk's plans. Elizabeth Einzy, letter of information to Thurloe.
April 7, 1660 -The royalist hopes of return. Mercurius Politicus, 1660 No. 615, p. 1139.
April 21, 1660 .-Monk presses the raising of the militia, not yet completed.Mercurius Publicus, 1660, No. 17, p. 272.
April 25, 1660 -The Convention Parliament assembles. Parliamentary Intelligencer, 1660 No. 18, p. 280
Monk shows himself in his true colours. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 875.
Charles by Monk's advice sends the Declaration of Breda to the Convention Parliament. Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 875.
The Declaration of Breda. Parliamentary Intelligencer, No. 19, pp. 289, 290.
May 1, 1660, -Its reception by the Lords. Parliamentary Intelligencer, No. 19, pp. 291, 292.
May 1, 1660 -How the Commons received the declaration. Parliamentary Intelligencer, No. 19, p. 293.
May 3, 1660 -The Commons thank Grenville for bringing it. Mercurius Publicus, No. 19, p. 292.
May 8, 1660 -Both Houses pass resolutions urging the King to return. Mercurius Publicus, No. 19, p. 304.
May 10, 1660 -Charles transports his Court to the Hague. Mercurius Publicus, No. 20, p. 320.
May 6, 1660 -Whilst at the Hague he receives a public visit from the States General. Public Intelligencer, No. 11, p. 162
Charles sets sail, lands at Dover, and proceeds to Canterbury. Mercurius Publicus, No. 22, p. 342.
Monk and his friends made members of the Privy Council. History of the reign of Charles II. Clarendon, ed.1755 vol. I, p. 13.
May28, 1660 -Charles' further progress to London, his meeting with Parliament and the general rejoicings. Mercurius Publicus, No. 22, pp. 349-351.
Charles' entertainment at the Hague, its reasons. Letter from Francis Newport to Sir R. Leveson
Effect of the Restoration upon trade. Letter from Francis Newport to Sir R. Leveson
The House of Commons proceeds to the Act of Indemnity. Letter from Francis Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1660 May 15, London
'Charles' well affected clemency whilst still at the Hague. Letter to Monk to be communicated to the Officers of the army May 26, 1660
Charles I.'s Judges are summoned to appear. Mercurius Publicus, No. 23, p. 359
June 5, 1660 -A sum of money is ordered to be paid to Monk.Mercurius Publicus, No. 23, p. 366.
Monk's title as Peer. Letter from Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1660 June 26.
How the Commons went on with the Act of Indemnity. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1660, June 9.
The list of exceptions completed; the subsidy to the king, &c. The same to the same.June 20, 1660
July 11, 1660 -The Act of Indemnity is sent up to the Lords. Parliamentary Hist. Cobbett, ed. 1808 , vol i. Column 80.
Charles beseeches Parliament to be clement. Secret History of the reign of Charles II. Clarendon, ed. 1792 vol. i., p. 80.
The Lords continue the debate. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1660 , Aug. 2
The Bill of Indemnity is sent down. The same to the same. 1660, Aug. 11.
What the Commons did with it. The king eats his own words. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1660, Aug. 16.
Monk appointed lord lieutenant of Ireland. Pepys's Diary, ed. 1854 , v. i., p. 103. Aug. 21, 1660
The final form of the Act of Indemnity. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1660, Aug. 25
The king's assent to the Act of Indemnity. Parl. History, vol. i. Column II 4. Aug. 29
Immediate results of the Act.-Trial of Harrison. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. Oct. 11, 1660
Execution of Harrison, more sentences passed. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1660 , Oct. 13, London
Execution of Carew, Peters, Cooke, and the rest. William Smith to John Langley. 1660 , Oct. 20
The king adjourns Parliament. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. Sept. 13, 1660
The king's brother, the duke of Gloucester, becomes ill and dies. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1661, Sept. 4.
Secret History of the Reign of Charles II., vol. i., p. 145, ed. 1792 1660, Sept. 13.
>General mourning for the duke of Gloucester. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. Sept. 15, 1660
Arrival of the Princess Royal at Whitehall. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. Sept. 25, 1660
Rumours of the marriage of Anne Hyde and the duke of York. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. Oct. 8, 1660
First acquaintance between Anne Hyde and the duke of York. Secret History of Charles II. Clarendon, vol. i., ed. 1792 , p. 148
Conference between the bishops and Presbyterian ministers, and what happened whilst it was sitting. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. Oct. 23, 1660, London
Henrietta Maria comes to England. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. Oct. 20, 1660
Henrietta Maria arrives at Whitehall. Mercurius Publicus, No. 44, p. 715. Nov. 2, 1660
What the English thought of her. Pepys' Diary. Lond. 1854 , vol. i., p. 19. Nov. 2.
Reasons for the Queen's unpopularity. The Queen-mother complains of Charles's want of confidence so early as 1655
Her wrath at the Duke's mesalliance. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. Dec. 11, 1660
The marriage of Princess Henrietta to the Duke of Anjou is announced. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1660, Nov. 6.
Parliament reassembles. Parliamentary Inteligencer, No. 46, p. 724. Wednesday, Nov. 6.
Charles desires the disbandment of the army, and the fixing of the revenue. Secret Hist. of Charles II. Clarendon, ed. 1792, vol. i., p. 34.
The army ordered to be disbanded. From the Printed Act, 15, xii., Car. ii.
The army ordered to be disbanded. From the Printed Act, 15, xii., Car. ii.
More pay for the troops is voted; the progress made in disbanding the soldiers. Samuel Terrick to Sir R. Leveson. 1660, November.
The bodies of Cromwell, Ireton, Bradshaw, and Pride ordered to be exhumed. Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. Dec. 6.
A grant of tonnage and poundage to the king. Taken from the Printed Act, 4, xii., Car. ii.
Other money granted to the king. From the Printed Act, 23, xii., Car. ii.
Death of the Princess Royal. Mercurius Publicus, No. 53, pp. 8, 28, 829.
>Dissolution of the Healing Parliament. Mercurius Publicus, No. 54, pp. 841, 845, 846.
Various Bills of the Healing Parliament. From Printed Acts of the Year, xii., Car. ii. 24, xii., Car. ii.
Complications arising from the disbandment of the army. Rugge's MS. Diary, vol. i., pp. 228, 229. Dec.
The Scotch Parliament summoned. Mercurius Publicus, No. 46, p. 722. Oct. 10, 1660
Various proceedings of the Scotch Parliament. Mercurius Publicus, No. 49, p. 783. November 29, 1660
Rugge's MS. Diary, vol. i., p. 227. December, 1660
Swinton and Argyll sent under guard to Scotland. Rugge's MS. Diary, vol. i., p. 227. December, 1660
Swinton and Argyll arrive at Edinburgh. Mercurius Publicus, No. 54, p. 846. Thursday, Jan. 3, 1661
Argyll is attainted of high treason. From the Printed Charge, pubd. Feb. 18, 1661 Jan. 23rd, 1661
Argyll imprisoned in the Tolbooth. Mercurius Publicus, No. 21,1661, p. 336. Edinburgh, May 23, 1661
Argyll receives his sentence. Mercurius Publicus, No. 22, 1661, p. 344 Edinburgh.
Account of the death of Argyll. Mercurius Publicus, No. 23,1661, p. 358. May 27, 1661
Others executed in Scotland. Mercurius Publicus, No. 23, p. 369. Edinburgh, June 1, 1661
Rebellion of the Anabaptists under Venner. Reresby's Memoirs, Lond. 1735, pp. 8, 9 1661, Jan. 6.
Charles is crowned.Bramston's Memoirs, Camden Soc.,1845 p. 118
The Houses appoint a day of thanksgiving for the coronation. From a Proclamation of the Year. April 26,1661
Writs issued for a new Parliament. Kingdom's Intelliencer, No. 10, 1661, p. 160. Westminster, March 1.
The new Parliament assembles. Mercurius Publicus, 1661, No. 18, p. 287
A Test Act is passed. From a Broadside ent. A vote of the Commons House of Parliament. May 13th, 1661
Venner and his associates have their heads mounted on London Bridge. Rugge's MS. Diary, vol. i., p. 256.
Acts for the recall of the bishops to the House of Lords and for allowing a benevolence. Letter from Andrew Marrvell to the Mayor of Hull. May 30, 1661
Title of act for the recall of the bishops. From the Printed Act, 2 xiii., Car. II.
The act passed for allowing a benevolence. From the Printed Act, 4 xiii. Car. II.
The heads of the act. From MS. notes of the period in the British Museum.
Its effects. Pepys' Diary, ed., p. 213, vol. i Aug. 31st, 1661
The husband of Charles' mistress, Barbara Palmer, née Villiers, is created earl of Castlemaine. Pepys' Diary, ed. 1854, vol. i., p. 240. Dec. 7, 1661
Satire on Charles and lady Castlemaine. Sir John Denham. Directions to a painter, 1667, p. 39.
Death of Cardinal Mazarin. Cook's Historian's Guide. London, 1679 Feb. 27,1661
Rumours of Charles' marriage with Christina of Sweden. Dr. Kirtou at Florence to Sir R. Verney, Jan. 27, 1652
Which however want confirmation. The same to the same, Feb. 3, 1652
Various other rumours of Charles' marriage. Letter from Stephen Charlton to Sir R. Leveson. 1661, Feb. 19, London.
Letter from Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1661, March 5, London.
Stephen Charlton to Sir R. Leveson. 1661, March 9, London
Andrew Newport to Sir R. Leveson. 1661, March 12, London.
Charles receives his wife Catherine of Braganza at Portsmouth. Reresby's Memoirs, London, 8, 1735, p. 9.
Sir Harry Vane excepted from the Act of Parliament only as regards estate so early as 1660 Mercurius Publicus, No. 24.,
He is however tried and executed. Pepys's Diary, vol. 1., pp. 281, 288, 290., ed. 1854 May 22, 1662
Reasons why he should not have been put to death. Burnet: Hist. of his own Times., Lond. 1724 , fol., vol. I., p. 163.
Sale of Dunkirk to the French. Burnet: Hist. of his own Times, Lond., 1724, fol., vol. I, p. I72. 1662
The issue of Butler's Hudibras. Pepys's Diary, ed. 1854 Dec. 26, 1662
Formation of the Royal Society, 1662 Burnet: History of his own Times, Lond., 1724, fol., vol. i., p.192, 193.
Characters of important personages at the court of Charles II. The King.
Royal resolutions
The Duke of York
The Duke of York's love for the Irish (Papists)
The Duke of Ormond
Buckingham and St. Albans
The King's fondness of his natural children, his dislike for the Queen
Anthony Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury
Further particulars of Clarendon's disgrace. Character of Buckingham
1668 -Attempts to get rid of the Queen
Dissoluteness of the court
The King's Mistresses
1669 -The Sheldonian Theatre at Oxford opened.
Deaths of the Duke and Duchess of Albemarle
1670 -The King's sister, the Princess Henrietta of Orleans, is sent over by Louis XIV. to persuade Charles to a second war with the Dutch, and other matters of importance
1670 -Louise de Querouaille, Duchess of Portsmouth
Immediate results of the Princess Henrietta's visit
Death of the Princess Henrietta
Death of the Duchess of York
Colonel Blood after attempting to steal the Crown jewels is pardoned
London rebuilt
The Duchess of Portsmouth
The Duchess of Portsmouth
A public fast had been proclaimed for the War four days before
Battle of Southwold Bay and Death of Lord Sandwich
Shaftesbury takes the Great Seal as head of the Cabal
1672 - -The Cabal in existence. Opinion of the French Court concerning the members of the Cabal.
The King closes the Exchequer. National Bankruptcy
Parliament re-assembles
How the Parliament was constituted
A Resume of Religious Affairs from the Restoration to the year 1672. Charles burns the League and Covenant to which he subscribed during his exile
Act of Uniformity. Lauderdale in Scotland. The First Indulgence
Burnet on the Declaration of Indulgence. Clarendon and Bristol
Lauderdale and Middleton
Middleton returns to London
The Conventicle Act
Public Opinion on the Conventicle Act
The Five Mile Act
1672 The Second Declaration of Indulgence brought about by Lauderdale at the instance of the French Court: its Consequences. Concerning the Second Declaration of Indulgence granted by King Charles II. in the beginning of the year 1672
Its effect upon Parliament. Address of both Houses against the growth of Popery
The King's Answer to the Address
The King cancels the Declaration of Indulgence
The Test Act read a third time
Recapture of St. Helena
The Cabal broken up, Shaftesbury out of office joins the Opposition
Butler's Satire upon Shaftesbury
Second Marriage of the Duke of York
Buckingham in disgrace, reasons for it
Other and stronger reasons