On the , Charles was proclaimed king at the usual places in the city, and with the accustomed ceremonies. In the June following, Henrietta Maria, of France, the new queen, arrived in London; but the preparations that had been making for her reception, were obliged to be laid aside through a dreadful plague that had broke out in the metropolis, and carried off, in the course of the twelvemonth, upwards of persons. Charles's Parliament, which met at in the above month, was speedily adjourned to Oxford, for fear of this calamity; and though its sittings at both places had not exceeded weeks, it was dissolved on the pretence of the spreading of the pestilence:

but the true reason,

was because the king found not in this Parliament a compliance and disposition fit for his purpose.

On the , Charles was crowned at . The lord-mayor and aldermen officiated, as customary, as chief butlers at the dinner; but the accustomed procession through the city from the Tower, was dispensed with on account of the plague.

days afterwards a new Parliament met at , in which the commons acted in the most stubborn manner, refusing supplies, and complaining of various grievances. The impeachment of Buckingham was resolutely proceeded with; and though the king endeavoured to awe the commons into obedience, by committing Sir Dudley Digges and Sir John Elliot to the Tower, for contemptuous words, untruly affirmed to have been spoken by them against the duke, who was highly in favour with Charles as he had been with his father, the attempt was unsuccessful, and he was presently obliged to release the imprisoned members. These compliances with the popular wish were so coupled with unconstitutional assumptions, that they had little effect in promoting the king's views, and the Parliament was dissolved in disgust on the .

The measures that were immediately afterwards pursued by the king's council, evince a determination to reduce the state to a complete despotism. The royal prerogative was held forth as superior to all arrangements of convention; forced loans and benevolences were exacted under the penalty of martial law; taxes were illegally levied; and it was publicly asserted from the

king was not bound to observe the laws of the realm concerning the subjects' rights and privileges: but that his royal will and command, in imposing loans and taxes, without common consent in Parliament, doth oblige the subjects' conscience upon pain of eternal damnation.

Under the oppressive system of coercion that was now instituted, London particularly suffered; and to this cause perhaps the determined support that was given by the inhabitants to the parliament in the subsequent civil wars, may be more directly referred. The attempt upon the city was to exact a loan of ; but this having failed through the resolute opposition of the citizens, the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty were enjoined by precept from the council, immediately to fit out of the best ships in the river Thames for public service, to be well manned, and stored with provisions and ammunition for months; and no intercession could obtain any abatement in this command. Many of the principal citizens were also imprisoned for refusing to subscribe to the loan as individuals, whilst others in a lower sphere were

forced to serve in the King's ships then going forth.

some being committed,

pressed for soldiers.

It was not long, however, before a pretence was found for obtaining a sum of money from the city. Doctor Lamb, a reputed conjuror, a favourite of the king, and the suspected adviser of these arbitrary proceedings, being discovered in the city, on the , was attacked by a mob, who loaded him with the most bitter invectives, and dragged him about the streets, beating and kicking him, till at length he died under their inhuman treatment. The king, hearing of the tumult, hastened into the city in time to have saved his life, had his authority been sufficiently great, or his body-guard strong enough to have rescued him from the exasperated citizens, who, in reply to the king's entreaties, and promises that he would suffer the law to take its course if he could be proven

they had judged him already,

Finding he could neither chastise nor redress this insolence, he returned to his palace; and soon after the privy-council sent a letter to the lord-mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs, commanding them to make strict enquiry after the principal actors and abettors, and to bring them to justice; but so little attention was paid to this order, that an answer was returned that they could not discover any of them. On this, they were summoned to attend the privy-council, where they were threatened with the confiscation of their charter, if they did not apprehend and deliver up the principal actors in the riot. But this made no impression upon their resolution to screen the parties sought after; for their next report was

that they could not be found.

A curious account of the mode of apprenticing at this time, is given in a letter from Mr. Howell to his father.

Our two younger brothers which you sent hither are disposed of; my brother Doctor Howell, (afterwards Bishop of Bristol) hath placed the elder of the two with Mr. Hawes, a mercer, in Cheapside, and he took much pains in it; and I had placed my brother Ned with Mr. Barrington, a silk-man in the same street, but afterwards, for some inconveniences, I removed him to one Mr. Smith, at the Flower-de-luce in Lombard-street, a mercer also; their masters are both of them very well to pass, and of good repute; I think it will prove some advantage to them hereafter, to be both of one trade; because when they are out of their time, they may join stocks together; so that I hope, Sir, they are well placed as any two youths in London; but you must not use to send them such large tokens in money, for that may corrupt them. When I went to bind my brother Ned apprentice in Drapers'-hall, casting my eyes upon the chimney-piece of the great room, I might spie a picture of an ancient gentleman, and underneath Thomas Howel; I ask'd the clerk about him, and he told me that he had been a Spanish merchant in Henry the Eight's time, and coming home rich, and dying a bachelor, he gave that hall to the Company of Drapers, with other things, so that he is accounted one of their chiefest benefactors. I told the clerk that one of the sons of Thomas Howel came now thither to be bound, he answered, that if he be a right Howel, he may have when he is free, three hundred pounds to help him to set up, and pay no interest for five years. It may be hereafter we may make use of this. He told me also that any maid that can prove her father to be a true Howel, may come and demand fifty pounds towards her portion, of the said hall.- Because Mr. Hawes of Cheapside is lately dead, I have removed my brother Griffith to the Hen and Chickens in Paternoster-row, to Mr. Taylor's, as gentile a shop as any in the city, but I gave a piece of plate of twenty nobles price to his wife.

The use of hackney coaches was but very trifling in ; for, among the many monopolies granted by the king, was which gave rise to the use of sedan chairs in London. This grant was made to Sir Sanders Duncomb, and expressed in the following terms:

That whereas the streets of our cities of London and

Westminster

, and their suburbs, are of late so much incumbered with the unnecessary multitude of coaches, that many of our subjects are thereby exposed to great danger; and the necessary use of carts and carriages for provisions thereby much hindered: and Sir Sanders Duncomb's petition, representing that in many parts beyond sea, people are much carried in chairs that are covered; whereby few coaches are used among them :--wherefore we have granted to him the sole privilege to use, let, or hire a number of the said covered chairs for

fourteen

years.

This patent was followed by a proclamation against hackney coaches, strictly commanding,

That no hackney coach should be used in the city of London or suburbs thereof, other than carrying people to and from their habitations in the country; and that no person should make use of a coach in the city, except such persons as could keep

four

able horses fit for his majesty's service, which were to be ready when called for, under a severe penalty.

Charles was not altogether so unsuccessful with his parliament as he had been with his former ones; though, for the purpose of securing more devotion to his will, he sought opportunity to intimate at the opening of the session,

that in case the supplies he demanded were not granted, he could raise them other ways.

confirmation of laws, which till then had passed for incontestible.

In the interval, the Duke of Buckingham, against whom the reprehensions of the commons had been principally directed, was stabbed at Portsmouth by John Felton, who had been a lieutenant in the army, and whose mind had been wound up to the deed,

by frequently hearing some popular preachers in the city.

if he was put to that torture, he knew not whom he should accuse, perhaps the Bishop himself.

The parliament, which had been prorogued from , met on the : previous to this time, various new acts of aggression against the laws, and in violation of the rights of the people, had been committed on the part of the crown. Several merchants of the city had had their goods seized, for refusing to pay the demand of the king's officers for tunnage and poundage; and of them, named Vassall, who had defended his refusal before the Barons of , had judgment given against him, and was imprisoned. Similar abuses were practised during the very sitting of the parliament, and that upon the effects of John Rolls, Esq., a member of the house, and merchant of London, whose cause was immediately taken up by the commons, and argued with much vehemence. They even examined the officers of the customs, who answered that they acted in virtue of a commission under the great seal: of them declared, that

he had seized the goods for duties that were due in the time of King James,

his majesty had sent for him, and commanded him to make no other answer.

ought to have privilege both in person and goods;

He durst not, for the king had commanded to the contrary.

go forth of his chair,

On the same day the king, by proclamation, declared his intention to dissolve the parliament; and on the next, of the principal members were summoned before the council, to answer for their late conduct. of them, viz. Denzil Hollis, Sir John Elliot, William Coriton, Esq. and Benjamin Valentine, Esq. were all that appeared, and they refusing to answer out of parliament, for what was said in parliament, were committed close prisoners to the Tower. Warrants were also issued for the apprehension of the other , whose names were Sir Miles Hobert, Sir Peter Hayman, William Stroud, Esq. John Selden, Esq. and Walter Long, Esq. These severe measures increased the public discontents, and the ferment was not at all lessened by a proclamation issued by the king, in April, in which he declared that

he should account it presumption in any to prescribe to him the time for calling a parliament.

generally understood to inhibit all men to speak of another parliament;

was said the king made a vow never to call any more.

The imprisoned members were afterwards proceeded against in the Star-Chamber, by information of the attorney-general, and several of them were condemned in exorbitant fines. Some of them were afterwards released from confinement on petition, and giving

sureties for good behaviour:

In the year , the principal streets of London having been greatly incumbered by stalls and stands for bakers, butchers, poulterers, chandlers, fruiterers, sempsters, grocers, and venders of oysters, herbs, and tripe, in defiance of the laws against such nuisances, it was judged necessary by order of common-council, to enact,

That no inhabitant whatever should presume to sell any thing in the streets or lanes of the city, upon pain of forfeiting

for the

first

offence

twenty shillings

, for the

second

offence

forty shillings

, for the

third

offence

four pounds

, and for each offence afterwards, the penalty to be doubled.

That no person whatsoever should presume to engross any sort of provision: and particularly, that no chandler should buy corn, grain, meal or flour to sell again at market or elsewhere: that no vintner should sell any thing but bread and wine, nor permit any flesh or any sort of provisions to be brought into his house, to be there eaten by any of his guests; that no baker should sell bread at any more than

twelve

, or at most

thirteen

loaves to the dozen: that the keepers of victualling-houses (in that dear time of scarcity), should take no more of each guest for a meal than

two shillings

, including wine and beer, and of a servant

eight-pence

: that no innholder within London and

Westminster

, and

ten

miles of the same, should take above

six-pence

in

twenty-four

hours, for hay for

one

horse, and no more than

six-pence

for a peck of oats: that to prevent the many inconveniencies that might arise from the increase of the number of livery stables in London,

Westminster

, and

Southwark

, it was decreed that the said stable keepers, after they had consumed their stocks of hay and oats, should not lay in any further provision, but lay the business entirely aside. And finally, that neither victuallers nor vintners should suffer cards, dice, tables, or other unlawful game in their houses, under penalty of losing their licence.

In , William Prynne, Esq. was committed to the Tower, for publishing his , a passage in the index of which was, by Archbishop Laud, and other prelates,

whom Prynne had angered by some books of his against arminianism, and the jurisdiction of the bishops,

six

weeks after

On Candlemas-day, , the inns of court,

to manifest their opinion of Prynne's new learning, and serve to confute his

Histrio-Mastix

, against interludes,

the whole care and charge of

it excelled any music that ever before that time had been held in England.

marched

twenty

footmen in scarlet liveries, with silver lace,

a sword, a baton, and a torch ; these were the marshals-men who cleared the streets--

After him followed about

and all of them richly habited, and attended by pages, and lacquies bearing torches.

the

first

of which being

Next came

this was

Then came

Foremost in

begged a patent that none in the kingdom should ride their horses but with such bits as they should buy of him.

Then came a fellow with a bunch of carrots upon his head, and a capon upon his fist, describing a projector, who

Other projectors were,

Other anti-masques succeeded, and then came

after them came the chariots of the grand masquers;

most splendidly habited in

These chariots were built in the form of the triumphant cars of the Romans,

carved and painted with exquisite art;

which, with the torches, gave such a lustre to the paintings and spangles, and habits, that hardly any thing could be invented to appear more glorious.

was so crowded with fine ladies, glittering with their rich clothes and fairer jewels, and with lords and gentlemen of great quality, that there was scarce room for the king and queen to enter.

the Masque come by,

delighted with the noble beauty of it,

sent to the marshall to desire that the whole shew might fetch a turn about the tilt-yard,

for the Middle Temple, Mr. Edward Hyde and Mr. Whitelocke; for the Inner Temple, Sir Edward Herbert and Mr. Selden; for Lincoln's-inn, Mr. Attorney General Noy and Mr. Gerling; and, for Gray's-inn, Sir John Finch and Mr.--.

masque,

incomparably performed in the dancing, speeches, music, and scenes;--none failed in their parts, and the scenes were most curious and costly.

some of the masquers, and the great ladies of the court were very free and civil, in dancing with all of them.

sports

it was almost morning,

was so taken with this show and masque, that she desired to see it acted over again; whereupon an intimation being given to the lord mayor of London, he invited the king and queen, and the inns of court masquers, to the city, and entertained them with all state and magnificence, at

Merchant Taylor's-hall, and at no less charges.

In , writs were issued for the levying of ship-money, a project contrived by the Attorney-General, Noy, for filling the king's coffers, by imposing a general tax upon the country, in form of a commutation for the neglect of supplying shipping for national service. These writs were, at , confined to the port and maritime towns, but were afterwards extended to all inland places, every sheriff being

directed to provide a ship of war, or, instead of a ship, to levy the money upon his county, and transmit it to the treasurer of the navy for the king's use.

Upon the receipt of this arbitrary command, a common council was summoned to deliberate thereon; wherein it was resolved to present the following petition to the king, for relief against such an illegal and exorbitant demand:

That whereas your majesty by writ, bearing teste 20 Octobris last, commanded your petitioners, at their charge, to provide seven ships of war, furnished with men, victual, and all warlike provisions, to be at Portsmouth by the first of March next, and to continue from thence by the space of twenty-six weeks, in your Majesty's service, upon the defence of the seas, and other causes in the said writ contained;

Your petitioners do in all submissive humbleness, and with acknowledgment of your sacred majesty's favours unto your said city, inform your majesty, that they conceive, that by antient privileges, grants, and acts of parliament (which they are ready humbly to shew forth) they are exempt, and are to be freed from that charge:

And do most humbly pray,

That your majesty will be graciously pleased that the petitioners, with your princely grace and favour, may enjoy the said privileges and exemptions, and be freed from providing of the said ships and provisions.

However, it does not appear that the exemption insisted on by the citizens, by virtue of their antient rights and privileges, proved of any service to them; for the king, instead of dropping his project, (which at was only peculiar to the maritime towns) imposed it upon the whole kingdom.

The London clergy, imagining themselves not so rich as their predecessors, owing as alleged, to modern defalcations; they charged the citizens with various corrupt acts, as appears in the following petition:

That the benefices in London were an hundred years since very great; that the decree for tythes, now in force, provides that nine pence (should be two shillings and nine pence) be paid upon every pound rent without fraud; that, notwithstanding the said decree, (the variation of times considered) they are now very poor and mean; many of them not worth forty pounds per annum; the most not one hundred pounds; only one, Christchurch, a city impropriation, worth three hundred and fifty pounds.

That the petitioners have not independent maintenance, and for want thereof, are daily thrust upon dangerous and great inconveniences; that this is because the petitioners have no means assigned in the said decree for the discovering the true value of their said rents by the oath of the parties, and for that many London landlords (to the defeating of the petitioners, and indangering their own souls) have and daily do contrive double leases, or make proviso's, wherein they call some small part of the true rent by the name of rent, and all the rest (which yet is quarterly paid) by the name of fine, income, or the like; which practice, in the year 1620, was signified to be unjust and sacrilegious, under the hands of the reverend bishops and heads of houses of both universities.

And lastly, for that the lord mayor for the time being is our ordinary judge, and the petitioners generally want both ability and leisure to prosecute and appeal from him to the right honourable the lord-keeper, or otherwise to wage war with rich and powerful citizens.

May it therefore please the great patron of the church, your royal majesty, to take into your princely consideration these pressures and grievances of your poor clergy of London, with the causes of the same; and to take such recourse for redress thereof, as to your majesty's great wisdom and clemency shall seem meet.

For inspecting into the pretended grievance, the king referred the petition to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord Keeper, Earl Marshal, Bishop of London, Lord Cottington, Secretary Windebank, and chief justice Richardson, or to any or of them, whereof the archbishop always to be . While the referees were endeavouring to settle the tithes in controversy, divers citizens petitioned the king and council against their manner of proceeding; when, after sundry hearings, it was (upon the king's proposal) reciprocally agreed, between the citizens and their parsons, to submit the point in dispute to his majesty's arbitration.

However, the king was afraid to make an absolute decision thereof, seeing it was against the general sense of the people.

Some time after, the king, to prevent the spreading of the

The raising of ship money met with great opposition in most parts of the kingdom, but more especially in this city, where great numbers refused to pay; among whom was Richard Chambers, a merchant, who, for his peremptorily refusing to pay, was by Sir Edward Bromfield, the lord mayor, committed to prison; against whom he commenced a suit for false imprisonment, the legality whereof was to have been tried in Trinity term; but such was the iniquitous partiality of Robert Berkley, of the justices of the King's Bench, that he would not suffer the lawfulness of ship money to be controverted by Chambers' counsel; but declared in court, that there was a rule of law and another of government, and that many things that could not be done by the rule of law, might be done by that of government.

This distinction was looked upon to be new and dangerous, and the quashing of the cause, instead of serving to promote the peaceable payment of the money demanded, had quite a different effect; for, by this proceeding, the citizens of London became more obstinate than ever, insomuch that the privy council thought proper to write to them to submit: but having received an answer not agreeable to their expectations, they wrote the following letter to the lord mayor and aldermen:

We have received by some of you the aldermen a denial in the name of the city to our late letter, for the setting forth of shipping for the present and necessary defence of the kingdom; and the excuses which are made since upon the like occasions we cannot impute it truly to any thing but want of duty.

We do therefore, in his majesty's name, and by his commandment, require you to see the directions of our said letter performed, upon your allegiance; and as you will answer the contrary at your perils. And so, &c.

The lord mayor and aldermen, perceiving by this threatening letter that they could not shake off the burden, drew up and presented a petition to the council, for an abatement of the number of ships rated upon the city, and that, instead of , his majesty would be graciously pleased to accept of . Which petition being rejected. they were told that the pressing necessities and preservation of the state required their immediate submission, whereby they would happily obviate an occasion of shewing them more particularly what is due to those that disobey his majesty's commands on such an emergency.

In , the grand question of the legality of ship money, brought forward by the patriot Hampden, was finally decided in the king's favour, in the courts at , only of the judges, Croke and Hatton, declaring for Hampden. In this year

the sickness began to increase in London, and it was thought fit to adjourn part of the Trinity term.

a book scandalous to the king and church.

Notwithstanding the discontent which prevailed at this time between the citizens and the king, yet, in , he granted the corporation of London a charter, wherein he confirmed all their former privileges, the garbling of tobacco only excepted. The granting of this charter, however, must not be considered as a free gift; for the citizens paid very considerable sums to obtain that confirmation of their ancient privileges from Charles, which had been so readily granted by his predecessors.

These recently confirmed privileges were not long respected; for, in the next year, the ministry, in an arbitrary and illegal manner, commenced a suit in the court of Star-chamber, against the lord mayor and citizens, together with the governor and assistants of the new plantation in the province of Ulster, in Ireland, in order to deprive them of the improvements they had made, at a very considerable expence in that province; when, after a hearing of days, the defendants were condemned to lose all their lands and possessions, which had been granted them by his late majesty in that kingdom; and at the same time, the court amerced the citizens in a fine of : but this fine was remitted by the king.

In the year , Charles once more felt it necessary to summon a parliament: it was therefore assembled at on the , but requiring, as a condition to the granting of supplies, that the national grievances should be redressed, the king dissolved it in anger on the .

The meeting of this parliament, after a lapse of full years, had created a strong ferment in the public mind; and the king's council had already ordered the lord mayor to call out of the trained bands, to prevent tumult; yet, after its dissolution, that number was thought insufficient to maintain tranquillity, and the whole of the trained bands was ordered to be

drawn forth in arms,

500

persons,

These outrages greatly alarming the court, the privy council sent an order to the lord mayor, to provide a double watch, and to oblige every housekeeper to keep his apprentices and servants at home, and not suffer them to go out of their houses at any hour, till further orders.

The lord mayor strictly obeyed these orders; notwithstanding which, so turbulent and enraged were the citizens in general against the court and ministry for their despotic government, that they stuck up papers in various parts of the city, exciting the people to a general insurrection. This occasioned another order from the privy council, commanding the lord mayor to draw forth the city trained bands, the more effectually to suppress all disorderly and riotous meetings.

Notwithstanding these indications of general disaffection, the king continued firm to his infatuated purpose of subduing the spirit of the people. The privy council summoned the lord mayor and aldermen to attend in order to give in the names of such citizens in each ward, as were able to advance money for the service of the king. The sum demanded by the privy council was , which the lord mayor and aldermen were ordered to raise, according to the abilities of the respective wards. Several aldermen, who refused obedience, were committed to prison; and an order was afterwards issued by the privy council, to prosecute the lord mayor and the sheriffs of London and Middlesex, for default in the prosecution of the writ of ship money.

Shortly after, the king ordered the citizens to raise men, to join the army intended to march against the Scots; which they complied with, on a promise that the expense should be repaid out of the exchequer.

The citizens, after this, advanced the king the sum of ; in consideration of which, he granted them another charter, confirming all their former privileges of package, scavage, bailage, &c.; to which he now added that of the carriage and portage of all merchandize whatsoever; with a clause to prohibit every porter or other person from carrying, lading, or unlading any goods, without the special licence of the mayor and commonalty; and it concludes with giving power and authority to the said mayor and his proper officers, in the foresaid employment,

to give and administer the oath upon the holy evangelists, from time to time, to all such persons suspected, or to be suspected of withdrawing, concealments, colourings, frauds, covins. And that

it shall and may be lawful to the said mayor, his minister, and deputy, or officer for the time being, by all lawful ways and means, to compel all such persons suspected, or to be suspected, as shall refuse or deny to take the said oath, to take the same oath.

The grievances under which the nation had so long laboured continuing unredressed, the citizens of London drew up a petition to the king to call a new parliament, in the hope of being freed, by its means, from the many impositions which had been laid on them. As this petition contains a summary of the complaints which then agitated the people, and will throw great light on the short sketch of the civil war, which the limits of this work will admit of, it is inserted at length.

Most gracious sovereign,

Being moved with duty and obedience, which, by the laws, your petitioners owe unto your sacred majesty, they humbly present unto your princely and pious wisdom, the several pressing grievances following:

1. The pressing and unusual impositions upon merchandize, importing and exporting, and the urging and levying of ship-money; notwithstanding both which, merchant ships and goods have been taken and destroyed, both by Turkish and other pirates.

2. The multitude of monopolies, patents, and warrants, whereby trade in the city, and other parts of the kingdom, is much decayed.

3. The sundry innovations in matters of religion.

4. The oath of canons, lately enjoined by the late convocation; whereby your petitioners are in danger to be deprived of their ministers.

5. The great concourse of papists, and their habitations in London and the suburbs; whereby they have more means and opportunity of plotting and executing their designs against the religion established.

6. The seldom calling, and sudden dissolutions of parliaments, without the redress of grievances.

7. The imprisonment of divers citizens for non-payment of ship-money, and impositions; and the prosecution of many others in the Star-chamber, for not conforming themselves to committees in patents of monopolies, whereby trade is restrained.

8. The great danger your sacred person is exposed unto in the present war, and the various fears that seized upon your petitioners and their families, by reason thereof; which grievances and fears have occasioned so great a stop and distraction in trade, that your petitioners can neither buy, sell, receive, or pay, as formerly, and tends to the utter ruin of the inhabitants of this city, the decay of navigation and clothing, and the manufactures of this kingdom.

Your humble petitioners, conceiving that the said grievances are contrary to the laws of this kingdom, and finding, by experience, that they are not redressed by the ordinary course of justice, do therefore most humbly beseech your most sacred majesty, to cause a parliament to be summoned, with all convenient speed, whereby they may be relieved in the premises.

And your petitioners and loyal subjects shall ever pray, &c.

The privy council, suspecting that disagreeable consequences might arise to them from the presenting this petition to the king, in order to prevent its being carried into execution, sent a letter to the lord mayor and aldermen, telling them, that such a petition was very dangerous, and unwarranted by the charter and customs of the city; and that it was unnecessary, as his majesty was already taking the said grievances into consideration. The citizens paid little attention to this letter from the ministry, but, on the contrary, sent the petition by a deputation from the court of aldermen and common-council to his majesty, who was at that time with his army at York.

This petition had so far the desired effect, that his majesty, in a letter dated the , promised them a parliament should be immediately called, to redress their grievances; but a request was at the same time added, for a loan of on the security of the

Peers' Bond.

Soon after the parliament had assembled, orders were issued by the commons, for the removal of Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton, from the places where they had been confined under the direction of the Star-chamber court, to London; and as they were considered to have been victims to the popular cause, their entry into the metropolis was hailed by an assembled multitude with the loudest acclamations of joy.

When they came near London,

multitudes of people, of several conditions, some on horseback, others on foot, met them some miles from the town, very many having been a day's journey, and they were brought about

two

o'clock in the afternoon, in at

Charing Cross

, and carried into the city, by above

10,000

persons, with boughs and flowers in their hands, the common people strewing flowers and herbs in the way as they passed, making a great noise and expressions of joy for their deliverance and return.

In the course of the proceedings of this parliament,

the king felt himself compelled, by the conjuncture of affairs, to consent to

many acts which circumscribed his prerogative, and seemed calculated to restore the blessings of civil liberty ;

even the facility with which his consent was given to some of the proposed measures, operated as a ground of suspicion as to the real nature of his future views.

The leading men in the , among whom was Cromwell, afterwards Protector, the patriot Hampden, Pym, Hasilrigge, Fiennes, and Sir Harry Vane, were either Presbyterians or Independents, and, of course, equally inimical to episcopacy; they may, therefore, without violating probability, be regarded as the promoters of a petition, and long schedule of grievances against the government, discipline, and ceremonies of the church, which was presented to the house, by Alderman Pennington, on the , and was signed by citizens. It is so curious a document that it is here inserted it at length:--

That whereas the government of archbishops, and lords bishops, deans, and archdeacons, &c. with their courts and ministrations in them, have proved prejudicial and very dangerous, both to the church and commonwealth; they themselves having formerly held, that they have their jurisdiction or authority of human authority; till of these latter times, being further pressed about the unlawfulness, that they have claimed their calling immediately from the Lord Jesus Christ; which is against the laws of this kingdom, and derogatory to his Majesty and his state royal: And whereas the said government is found by woeful experience to be a main cause and occasion of many foul evils, pressures, and grievances of a very high nature unto his majesty's subjects, in their own consciences, liberties, and estates, as in a schedule of particulars hereunto annexed may in part appear.

We therefore most humbly pray and beseech this honourable assembly, the premises considered, that the said government, with all its dependencies, roots, and branches, may be abolished, and all laws in their behalf made void, and the government according to God's word may be rightly placed among us. And we your humble suppliants, as in duty we are bound, will daily pray for his majesty's long and happy reign over us, and for the prosperous success of this high and honourable court of parliament.

[] Rapin, vol. ii, 243.

[] Whit. Mem. p. 8.

[] Ibid. See more of these despotic proceedings in Rushworth, vol. i. p. 422-429.

[] Captain Bailey, an old sea officer, first set up four hackney coaches with the drivers in liveries, with directions to pfy at the May-pole in the Strand, where now the new church is, and at what rate to carry passengers about the town.Gough's British Topography.

[] Hughson's London, i. 176.

[] Rap. Hist. ii, 276.

[] Clar. Hist. i. 27.

[] Whit. Mem. p. 11 The council, by the king's directions, required the opinion of the judges on the question, Whether Felton might be racked by the law? They answered unanimously, that By the law he might not be put to the rack. --Ibid. That this torture was in use for state purposes, within the preceding ten years, is proved by a warrant to the lieutenant of the Tower, dated in 1619, and signed by the Lord Chancellor Bacon, the Earl of Worcester, Lord Privy Seal, the Earl of Arundell, Lord Carew, Lord Digby, Secretary Naunton, and Sir Edward Coke, by which one Samuel Peacock was ordered to be put to the torture, either of the manacles or the rack. --Brayley's London, i. 330.

[] Whit. Mem. p. 12.

[] Ibid.

[] Rap. Hist. vol. ii. p. 278. The protestation consisted of the three following articles. First: Whosoever shall bring in innovation of religion, or by favour, or countenance, seem to extend popery or arminianism, or other opinion disagreeing from the truth and orthodox church, shall be reputed a capital enemy to this kingdom and commonwealth. Second: Whosoever shall counsel or advise the taking and levying of the subsidies of tunnage and poundage, not being granted by parliament, or shall be an actor or instrument there in, shall be likewise reputed an innovator in the government, and a capital enemy to the kingdom and commonwealth. Third: If any merchant or person whatsoever, shall voluntarily yield or pay the said subsidies of tunnage and poundage, not being granted by parliament, he shall be reputed a betrayer of the liberties of England, and an enemy of the same.-Rush. Col. vol. i. p. 660.

[] Whit. Mem. p. 12,

[] Hist. Reb. vol. i. p.67.

[] Co. of K. Charles, p. 194.

[] Whit. Mem. p. 18 The words were,-- Women Actors Notorious Whores.

[] Whit. Mem. p. 18-21.

[] Brayley's London i1 336.

[] Clar. Reb. i. 68.

[] Maitland, i. 306.

[] Whit. Mem. 24.

[] Ibid.

[] Hist. Reb. ii. p. 202.

[] Whit. Mem. p. 37.